Essay: Youth Perceptions on Human Security in Africa

Abstract
Africa's current impasse is a political leadership crisis. Africa is a continent that is still being haunted by its history. Politics of patronage and belonging are still the order of the day. African political institutions have also failed to liberate the masses and steer Africa towards economic development. The political crises in Africa have manifested through economic decline, decay of the social services delivery system and widespread poverty.
African political leaders have failed to tackle the socio-political hurdles associated with ethnicity and tribalism. Ostensibly, African politicians are selfish and duplicitous in their dealings, governance and operations and hence the policies and instititutions that they espouse have largely remained unhelpful to the majority of Africans. Human security is about protecting and at the same time empowering.
It is the business of this paper to attempt to argue that the predicament of contemporary Africa, is, that it is predominantly pre-capitalistic and pre-industrial, because premordial loyalities are still strong such as gerontocracy. It therefore follows that democracy in Africa still remains a necessity. For ordinary people in Africa, they desire second independence from their leaders, which is opposed to first independence from colonising powers.
This paper discusses human security in Africa by drawing ideas and arguments from scholars and experiences borne out of Africa. The paper also suggests possible avenues to the creation of an ideal 21st century Africa organised around the adherence, observation and respect of suggested body polity ideas.
Africa is a rich continent, endowed with natural and human resources that should offer social, economic and political security to all its inhabitants.
Introduction
Human security as a subject in Africa and the rest of the global south has long been left and concentrated on political instability, armed conflict, famine and disease. Little time has been left on debate on the issues that attempt to unravel the causes of this insecurity. Subtle and delicate debate to attempt to unravel Africa's quagmire has been long left to the political leader and the academia. The notion of human security, broadly conceived, encompasses freedom from want as well as freedom from fear.
Contemporary Africa is facing a number of challenges outside the age old political contestations within and without national boundaries, viz; HIV and Aids, famine, economic instability, corruption, climate change and the attainment and realisation of the Millenium Development Goals (MDGs). However for all these challenges to be successfully tackled there is need to first address socio-political upheaval that has been a legacy of this continent since attainment of political independence from colonial masters.
Social safety nets in Africa have long been discarded. The vulnerable are being subjected to more vulnerability. The gap between the rich and the poor continues to widen. To make matters worse economic empowerment programmes that are aimed at protecting the indigenous populations from poverty are usually politicised, nepotised and corruption becomes the governing rule on who benefits.
In solving Africa's impasse the solution must be of African origin. Of note are some countries and regions in the world that have stable political systems. Africa can copy ideal political systems from elsewhere but it should be borne that Africa should work on improving on them and develop a political system that is better than the one they have copied from. Africa's misfortune has been the attempt to copy a political or governance system wholesale.
Therefore, the subject of human security in Africa today, is more about fear than hope.
Contemporary African Politics: The Politics of Patronage, Ethnicity and Belonging drivers of armed conflict in Africa.
'…the outright exclusion and discriminating practices against people and communities often on … political grounds makes citizenship ineffective. Without it, people cannot attain human security.' (Commission on Human Security (CHS) (2003: 133)
Africa's history is chequered with challenges. This makes Africa a continent of challenges. Colonialism and imperialism brought about chilling effects of challenges that bedevil Africa. The colonisers did not put in place a proper system of transfer of power at the interregnum. The situation was exacerbated by the system of divide and rule long used by the colonisers to maintain hegemony. Imperialistic domination was buttressed and fortressed through dividing African people via ethnic and tribal lines.
'[In Rwanda] between 1925 and 1935 the colonial administration introduced social and political reforms that grouped the population according to ethnic origin'. (Gatwa in Media Development 3, 1995:18)
The 1993 Burundi civil war between Hutu and Tutsi ethnic groups claimed 200 000 lives in a space of months. The 1994 Rwanda genocide claimed over 800 000 civilian Tutsis and moderate Hutus. In Zimbabwe, post-independence disturbances in Matabeleland and Midlands regions claimed an estimated 20 000 lives. These atrocities are documented as Gukurahundi. They were an act of ethnic cleansing that was carried out by the state (Fawole and Ukeje, 2005; Gatwa in Media Development 3, 1995; CCJP).
Ethnicity is always made an alibi for various socio-political disorders in Africa and is denigrated by the media as bad tribalism, decried by developmentalists as a remnant of the past, it is also loathed by Marxists as 'false consciousness’. It however remains the only reality for most Africans (Hameso, 1997:5). Hameso further contends that African leaders criticize ethnicity in daylight but embrace it behind the scenes.
It is against this background that one can therefore argue that for African nation states to survive there is need for cultivating a culture of political, ethnic and tribal tolerance that shall manifest itself through political accomodation and power sharing. Through such an arrangement social exclusion will gradually fall away. The citizen replaces the subject. A citizen feels more secure and identifies more with aspirations of the state compared to the subject. In the process there is less frustration amongst the population. Frustration often manifests itself outwardly through violence and rebellion.

If one compares relative merits of repression and political accomodation, one is bound to notice the superior merits of the latter. In politics, as in medicine, prevention is better than cure, and finding the remedies for grievances, before they explode into violence, does not necessarily constitute appeasement (Crozier, 1960:13)
Ake (2003) and Nyamnjoh (2005) posit that political accomodation and power sharing within the nation state in Africa provides ultimate hope in a wider strategy aimed at persuading the state to embrace tenets of democracy and bring political stability. Success of this notion depends on how Africans re-create democracy to reflect notions of collective political participation of all members of the nation state. Guided in part by consensual democracy and experiences in democratic consociationism and corporatism, it is time to investigate possible alternatives that merge liberal democracy with the cultural interests of communities
The socio-political stability of Africa shall spur economic development in Africa. Adejumobi in Fawole and Ukeje (2005) notes that the explosion in identities and identity based conflicts in Africa ordinarily contradicts the logic of globalisation. Deepening poverty, inequalities and declining social welfare especially in the global south, 'has pushed many individuals into sectarian identities, reinforced their potency in society and made them alternative sites of political expression and struggles fuelling tension and conflict in many countries.'(p.19-20)
Mamdani (1996) notes that active citizen participation in community contemporary issues are seen leading to democratisation. It can thus be argued that this notion should be the guiding principle in the determination of Africa's body polity structure. Africans have enough wisdom within themselves to determine the type of governance and political system that they want. Outside interference in African processes must be minimal and should only come in the form of suggestions and/or commentary to processes conceived by Africans. However, Africa is not an island and therefore she cannot live in isolation. African processes, systems, structures and institutions are open to critique just like any other operating systems in the world. Outside interference in Africa's processes is only due, when the Africans concerned call for it.
Armed conflict in Africa forestalls development. From 1970, no less than 30 wars have been fought in Africa, most of them intra-state in nature. In 1994, out of a total of 48 countries in sub- Saharan Africa, no less than twelve countries were at war, while two were in the post war phase, and 14 had a recent experience of significantly high levels of political violence. In all, in 1994, a total of 28 countries, more than half of the countries in sub-Saharan Africa, were or had been recently afflicted by serious violent conflicts. In 1996, 14 countries were engaged in armed conflicts, while by 1999 the number had increased to 18, with no less 11 countries suffering severe political crises (Fawole and Ukeje, 2005:20). It is beyond imaginable comprehension how one can envisage that a continent in constant armed turmoil can uplift itself and set itself on the road to economic growth and stability.

However, there is a critical school of thought that argues that political accomodation; power sharing and political tolerance in the modern African nation state is not the best solution to preventing violent conflict. This school of thought places more emphasis on the individual, individual rights and the role of civil society in strengthening democracy.
Subscribers to this school of thought argue that if the individual is empowered, they are in a better position to determine their future as individuals acting collectively. Therefore, political elites have no business discussing power sharing or political accomodation but to carry out the mandate entrusted in them by the citizen. That is if they have been given that mandate in the first place.
'Everything, which is distinctively human, is learned, not native. To learn to be human is to develop through the give and take … and an effective sense of being individually distinctive member of a community.' (Dewey, 1988)
However recent events that have taken place on the continent repudiates Dewey's argument. Collective engagement at nation state level for purposes of political accomodation and power sharing has proved to be a viable option, against the popular coup period of the 1970s. After disputed elections in Kenya and Zimbabwe in December 2007 and March 2008, negotiated political settlements have been favoured against external interference or armed revolt.
Nevertheless, the notion is not entirely flawed as it gives a road map on how to achieve full citizen participation in order to attain the full benefits of democracy. Regardless of any form of democracy that Africa or individual nation states will decide to follow, at this juncture, one can argue that it will have elements of liberal democracy or at most it will be a hybrid of liberal democracy and the traditional African political system. This system is in practice in some African nation-states, namely, Zimbabwe. However, the borne of contention remains on the extent and composition of liberal democracy components against traditional political system components or vice versa. Traditional political system components take into account the history of Africa, pre-colonial and during the colonial period. In other words, the argument has been, if Africa is to follow the hybrid model which system amongst the two should be in control. This argument pre-occupies the best part of modernist, post-modernist and communitarian minds
There are four main aspects to be considered to ensure an informed citizenship and democracy, and these are;
1) Dialogue
2) Voting
3) Participation
4) Equality
The four elements highlighted above dovetail into the ideal way of governing the modern African nation state. However, the bone of contention is on the stress on liberal democracy. Liberal democracy deliberately advances individualism. As Nyamnjoh (2003) posits that apart from urban arrangements most African rural societies are still mechanical solidarity areas. In other ways, they are still communal and it is communalism, which defines their identity in the social whole. It therefore means that the exercise of Liberal democracy in such an environment largely remains thorny.
A democracy that focuses too narrowly on the individual and is insensitive to the centrality of group and community interests is likely to impair and frustrate the very recognition and representation it celebrates. (Taylor, 1994; Englund and Nyamnjoh, 2004)
Nyamnjoh (2005:24) further notes that liberal democracy and Africa are not good bedfellows. Nyamnjoh argues that liberal democracy is not the creation of Africa and hence it has failed to suit the needs and conditions of Africa. Purveyors of liberal democracy have tended to blame Africa and her institutions for failing to fit into this model. However, as Nyamnjoh posits, it must be clear to all external influences that Africans and their institutions should be left to work and develop their own unique model of democracy.
Voting is associated with multi-partyism. The political party system of liberal societies makes little sense in Africa, particularly in societies were the development of associational life is composed of rudimentary groups and interest groups remain primary. As result it becomes misleading to think of democracy as a multi-party system. Africa's democracy has very little to base on in terms of experience as established democracies to guide it into the future.
Democratisation in Africa can be viewed as an event, which has enormous historical significance that is not only for Africa but also for democracy and civilisations throughout the world. Demand for democratisation in Africa arises from a shared feeling that economic mismanagement and brutal repression of ordinary people in the post-independence nation state has become life threatening to ordinary people.
It is against this background that I proffer the following principles of democracy and pillars of democracy to act as a guide in all governance systems in Africa.
Principles of Democracy
Pillars of Democracy
1. Participation by citizens
2. Equality
3. Political tolerance
4. Accountability
5. Transparency
6. Regular free and fair elections
7. Economic freedom
8. Control of abuse of power by the state
9. Inclusion of a bill of rights in the constitution
10. Observance and adherence to the rule of law
1) Sovereignty of the people
2) Government based on the consent of the governed
3) Majority rule
4) Protection of minority rights
5) Guarantee of basic human rights
6) Free and fair elections
7) Equality before the law
8) Due process of law
9) Constitutional limits on government
10) Social, economic and political pluralism
11) Values of tolerance, pragmatism, co-operation and compromise

National, Regional, Continental and Institutions - Their responsibility to the individual vis`a vis` the state
"Governance issues are closely linked to the empowerment of people and communities. Without effective governance, people are not empowered and unless people and communities are empowered to let their voices be heard or to participate in decision making, governance is not feasible." (CHS, 2003:68)
Of late the world and Africa in particular has witnessed an upsurge in despotism. National elective processes in Africa are being widely disregarded and undermined by incumbent governments because their people cannot seek recourse elsewhere. Election rigging and other forms of election offences are being committed. Five successive elections in Zimbabwe between 2000 and 2008 have been marred by electoral irregularities. The case of Zimbabwe further shows that the holding of elections at regular intervals, as and when they are due is no guarantee of democracy. The Zimbabwe government, led by Robert Mugabe has successfully manipulated the ideological state apparatus to subvert the will of the majority of Zimbabweans.
Another case that quickly comes to mind is the case of Liberia as presented by President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf in her speech at the sixth annual, Nelson Mandela lecture. In 1985, Liberia held a sham election that was endorsed by Africa and the world. 30 years of civil war and devastation followed, with thousands dead and millions displaced. President Sirleaf- Johnson stresses the point that it need not have happened.
African institutions such as regional blocs, supra regional blocs and the African Union have largely remained ineffectual, as fellow brothers and sisters in trouble spots have continued to suffer.

However, one can also argue that the emergence of new African generational vision leaders who seek to change the current political matrix in order to transform African communities into progressive forces is a welcome relief. It is leaders such as Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf (President Liberia) who have vowed to relegate to history the legacies of patronage, corruption, lawlessness and underdevelopment, who bring hope to many an African (Johnson-Sirleaf, The Sixth Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture, 2008- Behold A New Africa).
In her lecture speech, President Johnson-Sirleaf also decries African peer leader patronage and ineffectiveness of the African institutions in tackling African problems. There is need to revisit and re-look at African political and economic trading blocs with a view to strengthening them so that they can act as positive peer review institutions on areas that are directly linked to governance, respect of human rights.
It can, thus be argued that for political security to be attained in Africa there is need for individual nation states and the entire continent to consider the political development of Africa along the following four broad points;
Ø Establishment of African leadership schools within individual nation states and sub-regions. African leadership schools shall tap into experiences, successes, trials and tribulations of current serving and retired political leaders. The idea is primarily aimed at developing and nurturing future African leaders with a generational vision that regards socio-political development as a means to an end, rather than an end in itself. African political, business and religious leaders to various tertiary education institutions in Africa can exercise this idea through organised visiting lectures.
Ø Civil society in Africa should and must develop along African lines and avoid taking a Eurocentric index of accomplishment, to which Africa's differences become a deviation or a deficit that has to be corrected at all costs.
"Understanding politics in Africa is a matter of identifying the complexities conflict that takes place between the state and society and explaining the myriad ways in which political actors, within both 'state' and 'civil society', link up to sustain the vertical, infra-institutional and patrimonial networks which underpin politics on the continent" (Nyamnjoh, 2005:33).
Ø The immediate challenge that faces Africa is the development of a strong political system, with clear channels of transfer of power within a democratic space. The African Union (AU), regional and supra regional bodies should act on solving this challenge. Africa's impasse is political by nature and is characterised by a leadership famine. Some of the issues and challenges that our leaders pre-occupy themselves with at national, regional and international fora can only be achieved after solving the main African predicament: which is political in nature. At times one may argue that issues discussed by African political leaders at national, regional, continental and at times international public and private spheres only seek to divert Africans from real issues.

Amate (1986) observes and analyses the operations of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) now African Union (AU). Amate, uncovers shortfalls of the then OAU as a continental body that convenes heads of state and other African politicians. The then countries constituting the OAU randomly snubbed decisions made by the body and in some instances the then liberation movements totally disregarded resolutions passed by the body. Today the same situation still prevails, with most African leaders still taking the body for granted.
In July 2008, Robert Mugabe boasted that he will challenge any leader at the African Union summit in Egypt who dared to question him on his controversial 're-election' for a sixth successive term as President of Zimbabwe. The 27 June 2008 Presidential election run-off was a one-man race after the leader of the main opposition Morgan Tsvangirai had pulled out of the election citing state sanctioned political violence, undermining of the electoral process and widespread intimidation of his supporters.
The ruling elite in Africa should embrace the idea of upholding cultural security. Cultural security shall be strengthened through the development of strong and vibrant African media. This is opposed to the current one-dimensional media-broadcasting network that focuses on the public media acting as a purveyor of the ruling party ideology.

The stranglehold on the airwaves and continued churning of propaganda by most African state broadcasters has led to the majority of Africans turning to satellite news network for what they perceive to be the accurate portrayal and reportage of events on their continent and respective countries. This has negative consequences on the young and emerging democracies of Africa. This is evident in Zimbabwe and Swaziland were incumbent governments have kept the media and media practitioners on a tight leash.
The foreign media are a foreign cultural influence grounded in economic and political domination and according to the first President of Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah; the mass media act as a crucial informal means by which the values and structures are accepted (Williams, 2003:217).
Twin horrors: political instability and refugees
The upsurge in political instability in most African nation states has brought along with it economic instability and armed conflict. The result has been an upsurge in economic, political and social refugees pouring into neighbouring countries. This has brought a lot of challenges to the host or receiving country. Some of the challenges posed by this problem include,
a) Strain on the social service delivery system of the receiving country
b) Political instability
c) Social deliquency, an increase in HIV prevalence and crime rates
d) Xenophobia.

Due to economic and political instability in Southern Africa and the Great Lakes region, South Africa has witnessed an influx of refugees, economic migrants and political asylum seekers. This has presented a lot of challenges to the delicate social fabric system of South Africa. In 2008, South Africa was thrown into a violent social conflict. The indigenous South Africans instituted xenophobic attacks against foreigners. Over 70 people died in the ensuing attacks.
Zimbabwean citizens have borne most of the brunt of xenophobic attacks in almost all-neighbouring countries that they travel to, in search of economic and political refuge.
Axis of Evil: Famine, Poverty, HIV and Aids
There is a positive co-relation between HIV/Aids and poverty. The HIV and Aids pandemic threatens to turn the African landmass south of the Sahara into a giant cemetery. Infection rates are rising by the day and the prevalence rate threatens to shoot into the sky. This is despite the fact that countries such as Zimbabwe, Zambia and Uganda have of late recorded a decline in prevalence rates. According to UNAIDS, globally 33 200 000 people are infected with HIV in the world and the majority are in sub-Saharan Africa.
The horn of Africa, which comprises, Somalia, Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea and Djibouti is entangled between famine and war. When cycles of drought coincide with political upheaval, famine is a tragic by-product. Surrounding war isolates many people in rain-starved areas; those fleeing conflict often crowd into regions that cannot support them. Thus food becomes a weapon for warring factions. "Peace, not rain, is the surest harbinger of relief" (National Geographic 1993:98)
The humanitarian catastrophe in Darfur, Sudan can only be solved through open dialogue, with negotiators coming to the negotiating table with a sense of compromise.
The role of African media in liberating the horn of Africa cannot be overemphasised. World over it has been proven that, where there is a free press there has never been famine. The role of African media in preventing famine and armed conflict in other African nation states must be seriously considered.

Dan Rather in the Sunday Times June 22, 2008 contends that;
"… it should be recognised that hunger fuels anger, ignites revolution and feeds terrorism. The implications of [famine] start with humanitarian concerns but they do not end there. They also encompass issues of civil society and national security." (p.5)
Looking into the Future: Africa a sleeping Giant, Tomorrow’s World Leader
Africa is a continent endowed with a lot of resources, both natural and human. At this juncture I shall dwell more on the natural resources. The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is rich in minerals, fertile soils and timber. DRC leads the pack in terms of African countries rich in natural resources. The challenge that faces us, as young Africans, young idea and social entrepreneurs is to come up with a generational vision that shall unchain Africa from the current political impasse and set her on a sprint to economic growth and development. This can only be achieved through nurturing and developing young visionary leaders, from Cape to Cairo.
Conclusion
From the catbird seat of modern Tokyo, members of Japan's shinjirui (new human race) have much to ponder. Following their parent's economic miracle, where next will they take Japan? For African youths, years of political instability, armed conflict, disease and famine have relegated Africa to the periphery of the world economy. The challenge is to build on the experiences we have gone through as a people and then attempt to breakthrough in the same way as Japan, China and the four Asian Tigers and more recently the economic boom of India. Africa is endowed with natural and human resources that can quickly turn around the fortunes of the continent, if positively used.
Over the years the only thing that seems to be developing in Africa, is underdevelopment. The challenge to Africa's political leadership is to put in place a political system that favours peace. With time, we may embrace the idea of continental citizenship as proposed by President Gaddafi of Libya. The United States of Africa is a possibility, more so when we have witnessed the Europeans create the supra-regional citizen through the European Union. The future of Africa looks bright as long as the current leaders put young people at the forefront of change and development processes. For Africans, Africa is the only thing that we have; therefore we cannot afford to leave on its periphery or in fear of the leader or the next individual.